Japans involvement in the South China Sea has a long history, especially since 2010. With the growth of Chinas naval and maritime capabilities, the Japanese governments policy of interfering in South China Sea affairs has begun to appear. In particular, under the guidance of the new version of the “Japan Security Strategy”, the Kishida government, as a country highly dependent on imported energy and foreign trade, in order to prevent a rising China from relying on its own strength and cut off its energy and trade routes in the South China Sea, Japan did not hesitate to design a new OSA system of free military aid to foreign countries, increase the supply of military equipment to South China Sea countries, liaise with South China Sea countries, and strengthen cooperation against China in the South China Sea. It can be said that Fumio Kishidas South China Sea policy is not an isolation policy, but a link and part of Japans foreign strategy, Japans overall maritime strategy, and Japans Indo-Pacific strategy. Although the Kishida governments South China Sea strategy claims to be an international maritime order based on universal values and ensure freedom of navigation and aviation in the South China Sea and other areas, the result not only fails to promote stability and peace in the South China Sea region, but also increases instability and confrontational factors in the region.

Entering the 21st century, Japans infrastructure diplomacy towards Southeast Asia is becoming increasingly active. Revitalizing the economy through infrastructure exports is the internal cause of Japans infrastructure diplomacy towards Southeast Asia, while countering Chinas ‘the Belt and Road” initiative is the external cause of Japans infrastructure diplomacy towards Southeast Asia. Consolidating Japans dominant position in Southeast Asia through infrastructure exports is a strategic consideration of Japans infrastructure diplomacy towards Southeast Asia. The Democratic Party government and the Liberal Democratic Party government have successively formulated strategies and policies to promote the export of overseas infrastructure, using various policy tools, establishing a government civilian cooperation system, focusing on the Mekong region, and cooperating with the United States, Australia, and India, which have become important strategies for Japans infrastructure diplomacy towards Southeast Asia.

Think tanks in capitalist countries often have a significant strategic guiding role in domestic and foreign affairs due to their authority and theoretical contributions. The “Mt. Fuji Dialogue” characterized by the “Track 1.5” system, provides a platform for communication between the United States and Japan through annual meetings and exchange visits. The “Revolving Door Politics” plays a role here, making the “Mt. Fuji Dialogue” an important channel for the Japanese government to convey its stance to the United States. Additionally, the think tank reports published by the “Mt. Fuji Dialogue”, modeled after the “Armitage-Nye Report”, have garnered attention and research from both Japan and the United States. The “Mt. Fuji Dialogue” have significantly influenced on the adjustment of the U.S.-Japan alliance relationship, and there are three main reasons for its impact: firstly, the strong background of the Japan Institute of International Affairs and the Japan Center for Economic Research, which organize the “Mt. Fuji Dialogue”, attracts key politicians and scholars from both the United States and Japan. Secondly, the think tank reports cleverly address issues faced by both countries and provide suggestions that both the U.S. and Japan can largely agree on. These suggestions are highly beneficial for addressing crises in the U.S.-Japan cooperation. Lastly, the “Mt. Fuji Dialogue” ultimately serves the fundamental interests of the U.S.-Japan alliance. The discussions and exchanges under its agenda are closely related to the common interests of the U.S.-Japan alliance.

In the late 1960s, the worlds food surplus situation was coming to an end and the worlds food supply could not meet the huge demand of the Japanese people for food. In the early 1970s, as the Soviet Union purchased grain from the United States on a large scale, the United States and even the international grain reserves fell and the United States began to restrict the export of soybeans and other agricultural products, triggering a rise in global grain prices and the outbreak of the world food crisis. At the same time, Japan was not only facing a poor domestic cereal harvest but the operation of the fishing industry was also beginning to deteriorate. Summarizing the reasons for Japans food crisis in the 1970s and its subsequent response strategies, it is found that Japans food crisis is mainly related to the Soviet Unions massive import of food, the United States export restriction policy on soybeans, extreme abnormal weather, the contradiction between Japans population expansion and insufficient agricultural labor force, as well as the changes in Japans consumption structure. In order to cope with the food crisis in Japan and to alleviate the panic of the Japanese people about the food crisis, the Japanese government had taken measures such as stabilizing food imports and exports, cultivating agricultural professionals, stabilizing fishery operations, and promoting rural modernization.

Yamazaki Toshio is a renowned historian of technology and industrial archaeologist in Japan. His contribution to the study of the history of Japanese technology is mainly reflected in the division of the development process of the history of Japanese technology, emphasizing that “technology belongs to the people”. He argues that technological development should align with the actual social needs and advocates breaking down the barriers between disciplines to promote exchanges between natural sciences and humanities and social sciences. At the same time, he has also defined the concept of industrial archaeology and clarified the relationship between industrial archaeology and the study of technological history, actively promoting the internationalization of industrial archaeology in Japan. In addition, Yamazaki Toshio also strongly promoted the development of technological history education at Tokyo Institute of Technology. Under his leadership, the university has gathered a large number of scholars on the history of technology and become one of the three major centers for the study of technological history in Japan, alongside the University of Tokyo and Kyoto University. Overall, Yamazaki Toshios research is devoted to reflecting on Japans development path and exploring ways to make the country realize free development, which reflects his consistent pursuit of academic freedom.

In 1876, Mitsui Bussan was established in Tokyo and established branches around the world, continuously expanding its business scope with a focus on the trade industry. In the late Meiji period, with the development of Japanese capitalism, Mitsui Bussan grew into the largest general trading company in Japan, and became one of the main pillars of the Mitsui Zaibatsu. Mitsui Bussan is seeking its own development while promoting Japans modern economic development from various aspects: promoting trade development, providing capital support, providing talent support, and providing intelligence support. Mitsui Bussan, in cooperation with the Japanese government and supporting other Japanese industrialists and businessmen, is one of the important organizers of Japans modern economic development, as well as one of the pioneers and main forces of Japans modern foreign economic expansion. This is due to the strong strength of Mitsui Bussan as a general trading company, as well as the support of Mitsui Zaibatsu and the Japanese government. As the core enterprise of the Mitsui Zabatsu, Mitsui Bussan vividly reflects the close relationship between the Zaibatsu and the development of Japanese capitalism.