On June 25, 1950, the outbreak of the Korean War brought a turning point to Japan, which was still immersed in the mood of defeat. The United States urgent participation in the war made it necessary to rely on Japans war resources and to re-evaluate Japans strategic value. Additionally, the signing of the “Treaty of Peace with Japan” and the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty relieved Japans worries about its future to promote the “Yoshida Line”. Furthermore, the rapid left turn and failure of the Japanese Communist Party during the war greatly weakened the left-wing forces in Japan, paving the way for the rapid development of capitalism. In the face of the first war crisis in East Asia after World War II, Japan took full advantage of the situation to quickly complete the transition to a normal country and embarked on the fast track of economic development. It can be said that Japan was the biggest winner in the entire Korean War. To trace the root of Japans rapid post-war recovery, it is necessary to make a multidimensional examination of the role Japan played in the Korean War and the opportunities it faced.

During the period of Nanbokucho, there were already particular tensous responsible for the affairs of Koufuku Temple, but at that time, the so-called “Nanto tensou” was only newly appointed tensous responsible for daily document affairs, which was updated and replaced with the promotion of official positions. This characteristic unchanged by the time Madenokouji Tsugufusa was promoted to tensou in 1376.When Tsugufusa was promoted to the position of gondainagon in 1383, it was customary for a newly appointed tensou to take over Koufuku Temple affairs,yet the long absence of a replacement suggested a significant shift in the characteristic of Nantotensou.During the Nanbokucho period,tensou was rarely directly involved in negotiations in gosous from temples and shrines.In fact,Tsugufusa did not actually intervene in Koufuku Temple affairs in 1379—1383,which was in line with previous practice.It was only the Koufuku Temple gosou in Kouryaku period that created the illusion in the Kennaiki that Tsugufusa was appointed as Nantotensou in Kouryaku period.Referring to the handling methods of the two gosou by Ouan and Kouryaku period, it can be seen that there was an authority gap between the Kuge, Bakufu, and Jisya after the reign of gokougon tennou, which cannot be simply understood as the shogunates absorption of Kuges power. Therefore, the year of 1383 was also an important watershed for the changes in the political landscape during the Muromachi era.

After being annexed by Japan, the Ryukyua Islands underwent a series of colonial assimilation policies imposed by the Japanese government. These included political military occupation and administrative control, economic capitalist transformation, and cultural and educational initiatives aimed at “Japanization”. These measures systematically deconstructed the inherent identity system of Ryukyu, weakening the national pride and subjectivity of the Ryukyuan people. After the war, the American occupation of Ryukyu and the “reversion movement” following Ryukyus “return” to Japan facilitated the reshaping of Ryukyuan identity to some extent. This involved seeking political recognition, cultural revival, striving for indigenous rights, awakening national consciousness, and pursuing autonomy etc. The future trajectory of Ryukyuan identity reconstruction remains highly uncertain, as the Japanese government continues to assert its rule over Ryukyu, the U.S. military remains stationed in Ryukyu, and the influences of colonialism remain deeply entrenched, continuing to affect the identity of the Ryukyuan people. It is essential to deeply study the specific mechanisms of how Japanese colonial rule impacts Ryukyuan identity, to better understand the complexity of Ryukyuan social culture and promote theoretical research on Japans implementation of “colonial assimilation”.

In Modern Western countries, a theoretical system of “scientific racism” was established in order to build up nation states and carry out overseas colonization. This system provides a racial hierarchy centered on the “white supremacy theory” and gives Japanese people a new identity as “yellow race”. Around the two key issues of whether to accept this hierarchical order of race and whether to accept the identity of “yellow race”, there were four tendencies in the ideological circles in Meiji period of Japan: “racial reform theory”, “white-Japanese theory”, “Asianism”, and “conservative race theory”. These four tendencies ultimately lead to two types of identity, one being a “yellow” or “colored” race that competes with “white” people, and the other being a unique and superior “Japanese race” compared to neighboring ethnic groups. These two types of identity influence and contradict each other, which have a profound impact on Japans self-understanding and world understanding in the future.

Since 2001, Chinas overall export trade of agricultural products to Japan has maintained rapid growth, with an increase in the variety and quantity of products. Japan has long been the largest national market for Chinas agricultural product export trade, which has a significant impact on the development of Chinas agricultural product export trade. However, in recent years, there are still problems in the development of Chinas agricultural product export trade cooperation with Japan, such as relatively insufficient total volume, slowing growth, weak momentum, limited expansion of product types and quantities, unreasonable structure, low level of cooperation, weakened trade complementarity, frequent obstacles from trade barriers, and continued intensification of external competition. In the new era, China should take the RCEP construction as an important opportunity to accelerate the transformation and upgrading of domestic agricultural economy, improve the quality inspection system of agricultural products, and enhance the international competitiveness of agricultural products. Promote the alignment of agricultural strategies between China and Japan, and improve bilateral cooperation mechanisms. Expand the variety and quantity of products, actively cultivate new growth points in trade, and adjust the structure by increasing the quantity. Promote bilateral trade liberalization and facilitation negotiations, advance the construction of interconnected infrastructure, optimize the logistics and distribution system for agricultural products, innovate trade cooperation methods, promote cross-border e-commerce business, and achieve high-quality and sustainable development of Japans agricultural product export trade.

The global competition for talents is becoming increasingly fierce, and high-tech immigrants are particularly popular, but Japan is a special presence. Japans immigration policy is mainly based on economic pragmatism and protects its ethnic homogeneity. Guided by this ideology, although immigration policies seem to actively attract high-tech talents, they have not received political support. The annual merit system and lifelong employment system, the male dominated employment system, and the distrust and discrimination of Japanese nationals against foreigners have deterred high-tech talents from Japan. Although Japan has the most open high-tech immigration policy in the world, its failure in this regard is evident.

The Japan International Cooperation Agency(JICA), as a specialized agency of the Japanese government responsible for the implementation of foreign official development assistance(ODA), aims to promote the economic and social development of developing countries and international cooperation. Since the independence of the five Central Asian countries from the Soviet Union, Japan, through JICA, has continued to strengthen its cooperative relations with the five Central Asian countries. There have been many studies on Japans assistance to the five Central Asian countries, but there is little mention of its content in health and medical assistance. Research shows that Japan has played a significant soft power effect for its long-term interests and cooperation with the United States to restrict the influence of China and Russia in Central Asia by improving the medical and health services of the five Central Asian countries, strengthening public health management in the region, and strengthening health cooperation and exchanges and other health assistance means, which poses a challenge to the influence of the “SCO” and may weaken Chinas “The Belt and Road Initiative”, but it still faces many difficulties in trying to balance Chinas influence in Central Asia.